That is an excerpt from International Politics in a Publish-Reality Period. You’ll be able to obtain the ebook freed from cost from E-Worldwide Relations.
The time period post-truth is by now so ubiquitous in describing the state of politics within the Western world and even past that essentially the most urgent challenge of the day seems to be about making democracy work within the period of post-truth moderately than questioning the normalisation of the time period itself within the first place. The vital turning level appeared to have occurred in 2016 when the time period was chosen by the Oxford English Dictionary as ‘The Phrase of the Yr.’ On its web site, the Dictionary notes the transformation of post-truth from ‘being a peripheral time period to being a mainstay in political commentary and connects ‘the spike in frequency’ instantly with the Brexit referendum in the UK and the election of Donald J. Trump in the USA – each occurring in 2016. Paired with the noun ‘politics,’ post-truth is outlined as an adjective ‘referring to or denoting circumstances by which goal information are much less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and private perception.’
The Oxford English Dictionary traces the primary use of the time period to a 1992 essay in The Nation by the playwright Steve Tesich as he mirrored on the Eighties Iran-Contra scandal and the 1990–91 Gulf Battle:
We’re quickly changing into prototypes of a people who totalitarian monsters might solely drool about of their desires. All of the dictators to this point have needed to work arduous at suppressing the reality. We, by our actions, are saying that that is not needed, that we’ve got acquired a non secular mechanism that may denude fact of any significance. In a really elementary method we, as a free individuals, have freely determined that we need to stay in some post-truth world (Tesich 1992, 13; emphasis added).
He then continued,
The Gulf Battle is over however the struggle at dwelling goes on. The gulf between wealthy and destitute widens – between these of us who stay in a contemporary post-industrial nation and people of us who stay within the Third World nations of our interior cities. The current administration’s response to this inner disaster has shifted from benign to malignant neglect. The present ranges of distress and decomposition of our cities and the financial gulags of our ghettos are acceptable. Since there’s solely a lot hope to go round, there’s a freeze on hope. The have-nots have now been reclassified as never-will-haves (Tesich 1992, 13).
Within the context of Tesich’s essay, fact consists of each information, as in what occurs, and ‘ethical absolutes,’ as within the ‘self-evident truths talked about in our Structure’ (Tesich 1992, 14). Collectively, these two notions of fact entail the duty to each act and react. The 2 passages cited above present that even within the early post-Chilly Battle years, Tesich was already deeply involved that the American individuals are neither ready to behave on fact nor react to fact that’s disconcerting, or what he calls ‘dangerous information’ (Tesich 1992, 12). Accordingly, Tesich’s perception as captured by the time period post-truth isn’t that fact is irrelevant to what we all know, however moderately it’s irrelevant to how we act. In distinction, ‘post-truth politics,’ as outlined by Oxford as a time period that pitches ‘goal information’ in opposition to ‘emotion and private perception’ such that the latter seems to have overtaken the previous in shaping ‘public opinion’ and thereby, democratic politics. When Tesich’s post-truth politics and its present utilization are juxtaposed, the 2 are in truth not similar by way of what fact is and the way it pertains to politics.
Towards such consideration, this chapter gives a vital survey of chosen historic occasions and theoretical concerns for the aim of gaining a extra nuanced understanding of the relation between fact and politics.
Reality and Language
One notable affect of post-truth politics is that language is being overtly deployed as a political weapon not solely by politicians and people in energy, however among the many normal inhabitants. Plainly as soon as information are irrelevant to the validity of what’s being mentioned, language turns into the platform for an all-out political contest by which what is claimed is not more than an act of will expressed as an assertion of energy and/or an train in defiance.
As early as within the writings of Thucydides (460–400 BCE), the vulnerability of logos – which is the human capability for rational discourse in tumultuous occasions – was already famous. Thucydides belonged to a faculty of Greek thought which maintained that language is typical and that the affiliation between identify and issues is a results of ‘human use and behavior’ moderately than ‘nature or divine dispensation’ (Connor 1984, 99). The traditional nature of language implies that it’s incapable of offering its customers with any impartial standards for judgement.
In Thucydides’ examine of the Peloponnesian Battle (431–405 BCE), the subversion of logos as seen within the manipulation of language was launched by way of his account of the civil struggle in Corcyra (Thucydides 1972, 236-245). The struggle first broke out in 427 BCE between the pro-Athenian democratic faction and the pro-Spartan oligarchic faction earlier than it unfold to the remainder of the Greek world. There was a normal breakdown of legislation and order, leading to excessive violence and loss of life. Language underwent adjustments that had been reflective of the occasions of the time. The English thinker Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) translated Thucydides’ description of the scenario as follows:
The obtained worth of names imposed for signification of issues, was became arbitrary. For thoughtless boldness, was counted true-hearted manliness: provident deliberation, a good-looking concern: modesty, the cloak of cowardice: to be clever in all the pieces, to be lazy in all the pieces… he that had been so provident as to not must do the one or the opposite, was mentioned to be a dissolver of society, and one which stood in concern of his adversary. In short, he that might outstrip one other within the doing of an evil act, or that might persuade one other thereto that by no means meant it, was recommended (Hobbes 1839–1845, 8: 348; Thucydides 1972, 242-243).
What involved Thucydides most was that the meanings of phrases are not more than linguistic conventions that require logos to help them. The Corcyrean civil struggle was a reminder that such capability can’t be assumed. This is the reason historical past understood as an genuine account of what occurs issues. Guided by logos, the historian’s job is ‘the search after fact’, which is established by way of ‘the absence of the fabulous,’ together with ‘the rejection of fable and unverifiable tales’ (de Jonge 2017, 2). Thus, historical past performs an necessary function in facilitating the soundness of language – with out which distinctions and judgements can’t be rendered communicable.
Similar to Thucydides, Hobbes was a nominalist who subscribed to the view that there isn’t a inherent which means to phrases. Hobbes’ state of nature, the place
there isn’t a frequent authority, is exactly one by which distinctions can’t be made. As Hobbes put it, there’s ‘no Mine and Thine distinct’ neither is there distinction between ‘the notions of Proper and Incorrect, Justice and Injustice’ (1968, 188; emphasis in unique). That is clearly an unsustainable situation for everybody. Behind Hobbes’ well-known phrases that life within the state of nature is ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and brief’ is his uncompromising argument for the ‘Leviathan’, which is described by the late American political theorist, Sheldon Wolin (1922–2015), because the ‘sovereign definer’ (Hobbes 1968, 186; Wolin 2004, 238–243). Accordingly, the social contract is importantly a ‘linguistic contract’ that binds all events to ‘normal names agreed upon’ (Peters 1979, 125; Hobbes 1968, 111).
By means of Thucydides and Hobbes, we are able to determine a line of pondering that sees politics as a contestation over the usage of language, which relies on shared conventions and norms. Thus understood, politics isn’t a collective quest for the true nature of our being or an epistemological train in pursuit of true information. Somewhat, politics is about people residing with each other by discovering a shared language to speak with each other on issues that have an effect on all of them. Reality is in that sense contingent on what’s being mentioned versus setting the usual for it. In different phrases, fact is the embodiment of shareability amongst us. Whereas fact as such ensures the viability of a political entity, fact certainly not represents a normative customary to adjudicate amongst contesting actors in what they are saying, not to mention in what they do.
Throughout Thucydides’ occasions, historic China was additionally experiencing a tumultuous time because the ruling Zhou dynasty deteriorated into the interval of the Warring States (481–221 BCE). This was when the rulers of Zhou not presided over the territories introduced below its management by way of conquest. As an alternative of professing allegiance to the Zhou royalty, the lords of those territories grew to become kings themselves to rule over their very own land. The interval was one marked by infinite army campaigns as every of the seven main states aimed to beat the remaining (Lewis 1999). But, the interval was additionally recognized for its mental vibrancy as totally different thinkers challenged the restoring of order amongst these warring states – together with providing concepts and recommendation to rulers on good governance. Amongst these thinkers was Confucius (551–479 BCE). His thought, which got here to be generally known as Confucianism, went on to turn into the state ideology of China from the Han dynasty (206 BCE–222 CE) till the top of the Qing dynasty in 1911 when China grew to become a republic. The founding textual content of Confucianism was the Analects, which is a set of dialogues between Confucius and his college students as recorded by them.
One key idea Confucius superior is the ‘rectification of names’. Although the time period solely seems in a single trade within the Analects, it’s thought-about a serious side of Confucius’ thought. Generations of Confucian students from previous and current, together with Western lecturers, have debated over its interpretation (Makeham 2003). The passage in query reads as follows:
Zi Lu mentioned: ‘The monarch of the state of Wei desires you to manipulate the nation, what’s the very first thing you propose on doing?’ Confucius mentioned: ‘First it’s essential to rectify the names.’
Zi Lu mentioned: ‘Is that basically what must be executed? You’re being too pedantic, aren’t you now? How will you rectify these names?’
Confucius mentioned: ‘Zhong You, you might be too unrefined. A gentleman, confronted with a matter that he doesn’t perceive, takes a skeptical perspective. If names usually are not right, one can’t communicate easily and fairly, and if one can’t communicate easily and fairly, affairs can’t be managed efficiently. If affairs can’t be managed efficiently, rites and music is not going to be carried out. If rites and music usually are not carried out, punishments is not going to be appropriate. And if punishments usually are not appropriate, the frequent individuals is not going to know what to do. So, when the gentleman makes use of names, it’s needed to have the ability to communicate so that folks perceive. If one can say it, one can positively do it. A gentleman shouldn’t be careless with phrases’ (Analects 13:3 in Cao 2016, 148).
This translation is obtainable by the modern thinker Cao Feng. As Cao notes, the passage is what began the entire debate over ‘precisely what sort of names did Confucius… want to rectify’ (Cao 2016, 148). Of the three main teams of interpretation examined by Cao, starting with classical Confucian scholarship, one is arguably essentially the most influential and definitely most pertinent to the difficulty of language and politics. That is the interpretation that was first related to the Neo-Confucian grasp, Zhu Xi (1130–1200), who argued that the ‘rectification of names is solely the rectification of politics’ (Cao 2016, 149). Inside this interpretive framework, rectification has the twin features of correction and prescription by making certain that predetermined hierarchical roles are strictly adhered to by way of following ‘the system of rites and propriety’ (Cao 2016, 151). As well as, the rectification of names entails ‘utilizing names to rectify actuality’ (Cao 2016, 151). But Cao rejects this complete physique of interpretive works by arguing that these had been concepts developed later. As an alternative, Cao suggests the next:
The unique which means of Confucius’ rectification of names might, then, be fairly easy. Confucius didn’t imply to determine a concrete, normative system of “names”; moderately, Confucius was merely the primary individual in historical past to comprehend or comment upon the significance of language in politics. As a politician, he seen and foresaw the affect that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names would have on politics. Confucius acknowledged the political penalties of language’s not precisely expressing which means or not being precisely obtained by individuals. He realized the good function that names, as a method of distinguishing proper and incorrect and establishing norms, might play in society and politics (Cao 2016, 168).
Scholarly debates apart, Cao’s view has the benefit of figuring out an interpretation of this controversial trade within the Analects that permits its readers to extrapolate from it the remark that the which means of phrases relies upon as a lot on their customers as on their interpreters; neither of which could be predetermined. Accordingly, a great ruler is somebody who can communicate with out ambiguity to his topics and make good his phrases by way of actions. Acknowledged in another way, Cao’s view on what involved Confucius then, who was residing by way of occasions of protracted political upheaval, is that language is an indispensable political device for these in energy and could be deployed by each good and dangerous rulers alike.
To sum up, this historic survey reveals that politics as a confrontation is certainly not a particular marker of latest politics nor the Western world. Be it historic or present, east or west, language is topic to manipulation to serve political functions and when there’s an outright confrontation that defies present norms, it’s indicative of a political scenario by which individuals not share a language and fact turns into irrelevant. Accordingly, political order entails stability in language use.
Reality and Politics
As beforehand famous, present use of the time period post-truth as an adjective to the time period ‘politics’ suggests that after there was a time when politics aligned with fact. Certainly, if we begin with Plato’s Republic as the important thing founding textual content of Western political thought, we see that the best polis (city-state of historic Greece) is the place fact and politics converge, and justice is achieved. Written round 380 BCE when Athens was nonetheless dealing with its defeat by the Spartans within the Peloponnesian Battle, the Republic is a defence of the rule of the ‘thinker king’, outlined as somebody who’s ‘guided by the reality’ and is ‘all the time and in each method’ in pursuit of the reality (Plato 1974, 490a). For Plato, fact converges with virtues and therefore, letting the thinker take cost of politics is to let the wisest and essentially the most virtuous lead the much less clever and the much less virtuous even when it requires compulsion (Plato 1974, 499b). In Plato’s phrases, ‘…till the philosophers attain energy in a metropolis there can be no respite from evil for both metropolis or residents…’ (Plato 1974, 501e). The uncompromising rule of philosopher-kings is made palatable by the declare that we’re all ‘earth- born brothers’ with random mixtures of gold, silver, bronze and iron, however solely the gold can rule (Plato 1974, 414–415).
Understandably, educational debates over the interpretation of Plato’s Republic revolve across the query of whether or not fact as attained in philosophy could be realised in politics as motion and whether or not such a connection is even fascinating. With out stepping into the main points of those scholarly exchanges, I counsel that all of them share the priority that fact acquired by way of the rigorous means of philosophical reasoning isn’t with out drawback when utilized to the actual world of residing people. It is because not all people are philosophers – and certainly, in Plato’s view, not everyone seems to be able to changing into a thinker given the protracted and arduous coaching that one must endure to turn into one. Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), a extremely influential political thinker of the 20 th century, notes that ‘Plato was the primary to introduce the division between those that know and don’t act and people who act and have no idea’ and that such a separation has remained ‘on the root of all theories of domination’ (Arendt 1958, 223, 225). What Arendt factors out on this comment isn’t the hole between concept and apply, however moderately that Plato gives the normative floor for individuals who know the reality to inform those that have no idea what to do.
Arendt herself took on the problem of understanding the connection between fact and politics by way of her evaluation of Nazism and Stalinism. Arendt’s perception, which was controversial when The Origins of Totalitarianism was revealed in 1951, was to determine Nazism and Stalinism as consultant of a brand new type of political rule – totalitarianism – making it distinct from ‘different types of political oppression… corresponding to despotism, tyranny and dictatorship’ (Arendt 1973, 460). Arendt defines totalitarianism as a self- contained system of concepts pushed by their ‘logic’ and marked by a mode of reasoning known as ‘ideological pondering.’ Ideological pondering as such is a particular type of political reasoning outlined by three traits. First, ideological pondering claims to offer a ‘complete rationalization’ of all historic happenings, encompassing the previous, the current, and the long run. Second, whereas ideological pondering is an try and account for ‘factual actuality’ in its totality, this mode of pondering is paradoxically divorced from actuality and expertise. It is because expertise, being rooted in specificity, is clearly restricted in its declare to totality. It follows that as its third attribute, ideological pondering goals to emancipate thought from the limitation imposed by expertise by way of a ‘particular technique of demonstration.’ The strategy entails arranging information into an ‘completely logical process’ that begins from an ‘axiomatically accepted premise’. It’s, in brief, a ‘means of deduction from a premise’ – which is the one attainable motion within the realm of logic that results in one definitive conclusion. That is how the ‘logicality of ideological pondering’ gives the idea for complete rationalization and the ‘precept of motion’ for totalitarian motion (Arendt 1973, 468–474).
Acknowledged in another way, totalitarianism is a type of uncompromising idealism that exists in a single’s head regardless of shared actuality as skilled. It’s the perverse type of what Arendt later refers to as ‘rational fact’, which is the product of the ‘speculative thoughts’ that belongs to philosophy, arithmetic and the sciences. The ‘speculative thoughts’ is the thoughts engaged on its approach to generate axioms and theories by counting on the cognitive capability of the human mind (Arendt 1977, 231). The presence of others has no bearing in anyway on rational fact. In distinction, ‘factual fact’ is what occurs when people are ‘residing and performing collectively’ (Arendt 1977, 231). Factual fact is due to this fact specific and temporal by definition. However extra importantly, factual fact is ‘political by nature’ as a result of it could solely be validated within the context of the human group (Arendt 1977, 238). In different phrases, factual fact is about people of their plurality moderately than of their singularity. For factual fact to be sustainable, we’d like what Arendt calls ‘frequent sense’ – understood as ‘group sense’ (Arendt 1982, 72).
There may be additionally one other distinction about fact that Arendt makes which is pertinent to understanding how totalitarianism works. The difficulty is whether or not the so-called totalitarian ideology is solely an unnecessarily cumbersome method of claiming that it’s an all-round and polished lie. Right here, Arendt calls totalitarian ideology the ‘fashionable lie’ – in distinction to the ‘conventional lie’. The latter is restricted by two situations: that it’s a lie concerning the ‘particulars’ and that it deceives solely the ‘enemy’ – which implies that the liar isn’t engaged in self- deception. The trendy lie, nonetheless, entails a ‘full rearrangement of the entire factual texture’. It additionally intends to deceive everybody alike, to the extent that those that provoke the lie finally ‘fall victims to their very own falsehood’ (Arendt 1977, 249–254).
This distinction between the standard and fashionable lie is necessary. It signifies that not solely is totalitarianism a lie, however the lie is in truth too huge to suit into the usual which means of the phrase. To inform a lie from fact, we’d like a standard customary. Within the case of a standard lie, the frequent customary is exactly ‘the material of factuality’. As such, a lie all the time seems as a ‘tear’ to that cloth. But, fashionable lies require making a surrogate actuality with a totally totally different context for information to suit ‘with out seam, crack, or fissure, precisely because the information fitted into their unique context’. Arendt notes that so long as those that concoct the surrogate actuality are ready to have interaction in self- deception to ‘create a semblance of truthfulness’, there’s nothing to forestall ‘these new tales, pictures, and non-facts from changing into an satisfactory substitute for actuality and factuality’ (Arendt 1977, 253–254).
Totalitarianism due to this fact requires an individual to face exterior of the system itself so as to make sense of it. Arendt factors out that it’s futile for us to argue with (for instance) a Nazi or a Stalinist on race or class. To confront totalitarianism requires greater than only a confrontation with particular information. It’s a extra elementary confrontation between actuality as skilled and its complete rejection. Because of this Nazism and Stalinism are greater than radical methods of conducting racial battle or class wrestle. Somewhat:
Totalitarian politics – removed from being merely antisemitic or racist or imperialist or communist – use and abuse their very own ideological and political parts till the idea of factual actuality, from which the ideologies initially derived their propaganda worth– the worth of wrestle, as an example, or the curiosity conflicts between Jews and their neighbours – have all however disappeared (Arendt 1973, xv).
Accordingly:
The perfect topic of totalitarian rule isn’t the satisfied Nazi or the satisfied Communist, however individuals for whom the excellence between reality and fiction (that’s, the fact of expertise) and the excellence between true and false (that’s, the requirements of thought) not exist (Arendt 1973, 474).
Who then is the ‘best topic’ of totalitarianism? Though there’s a revival of curiosity in Arendt’s remark on fact and politics for the reason that onset of post- fact politics, not sufficient has been mentioned about her reply to the query (Hyvönen 2018; Klinkler 2018; Lee 2019; Zerilli 2020). But if we check out Arendt’s portrait of this best topic, her view is much more pertinent to our present problem.
As a self-contained system of concepts that’s indifferent from expertise, totalitarian pondering provides consistency in ways in which actuality can’t. Arendt notes that this type of consistency is particularly interesting to those that have misplaced a way of bearing on the planet (Arendt 1973, 353). They represent what she calls the ‘plenty’. The ‘mass man’ is thus a extremely remoted and atomised particular person, who’s ‘obsessed by a want to flee from actuality’ (Arendt 1973, 318, 352). In his ‘important homelessness’ the mass man can ‘not bear its unintended, incomprehensible points’ (Arendt 1973, 352). This eager for escape from actuality is a ‘verdict in opposition to the world’ by which one is ‘compelled to stay’ however ‘can’t exist’ (Arendt 1973, 352). Such a scenario is ripe for the ‘revolt of the plenty’ in opposition to ‘frequent sense,’ which is ‘the results of their atomisation, of their lack of social standing’ and with it, the ‘complete sector of communal relationships in whose framework frequent sense is smart’ (Arendt 1973, 352). Briefly, the plenty are people who find themselves thought-about to be ‘superfluous or could be spared … [who] can’t be built-in into any organisation based mostly on frequent curiosity’ (Arendt 1973, 311).
Whether or not one agrees with Arendt’s evaluation of the social situations within the interwar years that led to the formation of the ‘plenty’, her portrait of the ‘mass man’ is a robust account of what can occur to a person who has turn into disposable to the society that they used to belong to. Hand in hand with this phenomenon is certainly the collapse of ‘frequent sense’ that leaves the dislodged particular person scrambling for reconnection. By providing the plenty a substitute actuality validated by the ‘logic of an concept’ moderately than by expertise, totalitarianism makes it attainable for them to stay in a world the place there isn’t a situation of plurality. Between ‘dealing with the anarchic development and complete arbitrariness of decay’ and ‘bowing down earlier than essentially the most inflexible, fantastically fictitious consistency of an ideology’, the plenty will possible ‘select the latter’ (Arendt 1973, 352). A world created by ideology, then, is extra enticing to the plenty not as a result of ‘they’re silly and depraved, however as a result of within the normal catastrophe this escape grants them a minimal of self- respect’ by conjuring up ‘a mendacity world of consistency which is extra satisfactory to the wants of the human thoughts than actuality itself’ (Arendt 1973, 353). Furthermore, it’s exactly this potential to ensure consistency that makes it attainable for the leaders of totalitarian actions to demand ‘complete, unrestricted, unconditional and unalterable loyalty of the person member’ (Arendt 1973, 323).
Whereas this chapter isn’t a examine of the social components that led to particular modern developments corresponding to the results of the Brexit referendum or the election of Donald Trump in 2016, Arendt’s ‘mass man’ appear to have discovered their counterparts among the many supporters of Brexit and Trumpism. Research of voters’ profiles in each occasions level to a disproportionate share of supporters from white male decrease earnings backgrounds with out college educations. These are people who’ve both already misplaced their jobs to globalisation or who’re at excessive danger of dropping their job with little or no capability to be retrained for the twenty-first century market financial system of superior industrialised states (BBC 2016; Pew Analysis Heart 2018). Briefly, these displaced staff are a part of the tapestry forming the trendy equal of Arendt’s ‘mass man’ – able to be the recruits of totalitarianism.
Conclusion
If we step again to take a extra complete method to the connection between fact and politics, each traditionally and theoretically, it’s not so apparent that 2016 is a defining second. From historic China and historic Greece to our so-called post-truth age, the indeterminacy of language seems to be a persistent political problem. Language is all the time open to manipulation by its customers to serve energy. Nonetheless, the tendency nowadays is to single out the ubiquity of social media and the proliferation of Web platforms because the incubator for the numerous cyberwars of phrases that in flip gas the actual world of politics. On this context, language is not the conveyor of goal information and correct data, however moderately the medium for expressing subjective opinions and emotions, as captured by the Oxford Dictionary’s definition of the time period ‘post-truth politics’.
In distinction, the historic method used on this chapter reveals that it’s in truth too straightforward to level the determine on the Web and digital communication for the political problem that we face right now. What’s being recommended right here is that with or with out the Web, language, be it used to convey information or feelings, is solely a device for communication that people have invented. Whereas language per se can’t adjudicate what’s true or not true, what is correct or incorrect, it embodies such capability when language is a shared norm. That shared norm can’t be sustained with out some semblance of cohesion in any given group. Any confrontation, regardless of its platform, is indicative of the breakdown of such cohesiveness.
Returning to the unique context by which the time period post-truth politics was first utilized by Steve Tesich helps to determine the necessary distinction between fact as the usual for information and fact as the usual for motion. The 2 don’t essentially coincide. Positioned within the context of the historical past of political thought, this distinction is in truth on the coronary heart of Plato’s Republic. But when the thinker because the quintessential bearer of fact turns into king, the polis that he guidelines over is much from the best of a simply state that it purports to be. As an alternative, it’s one that’s held collectively by lies and coercion. What Arendt reveals by way of her examine of Nazism and Stalinism is that it’s harmful for the form of fact that philosophy generates – ‘rational fact’ – to turn into the information to politics. Politics guided by rational fact can solely be uncompromising and follows a logic of its personal that can’t afford the paradox and indeterminacy of actuality as lived experiences of people.
A world of post-truth politics could be a chance for a brand new form of politics whether it is certainly about dismantling the concept fact is the best that politics ought to attempt for. However because it stands, the post-truth politics of right now is extra about invoking a previous that by no means exists to evaluate the presence as a disaster in naming when the actual disaster is about rebuilding a shared house that has room for all – be they of the left, proper or centre; cosmopolitan or parochial; civic-minded or self-centred; liberal-minded or bigoted. Politics is and all the time can be about striving for that house, with out which no human can thrive.
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