Warning: This text comprises particulars of violence which may be upsetting.
Guatemala Metropolis, Guatemala – Jesus Tecu remembers wrapping his little brother in his arms in an try to guard the two-year-old from the horrors unfolding round them.
It was March 13, 1982, and their village of Rio Negro — a Maya Achi neighborhood located alongside a river in central Guatemala — was below assault. Guatemala was within the midst of a grisly civil battle, and armed forces and paramilitary forces had been stalking the countryside, razing Indigenous villages to the bottom.
Already, Tecu’s dad and mom had been among the many dozens of Rio Negro residents slaughtered only one month prior in one other village. However now troopers and paramilitary patrolmen have been within the city, and 10-year-old Tecu hoped to protect his brother from the killings and rapes they have been witnessing.
A patrolman determined to take Tecu to be his family servant, however he didn’t wish to carry house a toddler too. Ignoring Tecu’s determined pleas, the patrolman grabbed the two-year-old from his arms, smashed him in opposition to rocks and threw his physique right into a ravine.
An estimated 107 youngsters and 70 girls died in Rio Negro that day. Tecu and 16 different youngsters survived solely as a result of they have been chosen to be servants.
Now, Tecu hopes a prison case in Guatemala can supply a shred of accountability for atrocities 1000’s of Indigenous individuals skilled throughout that interval.
“We’ve got by no means stopped looking for justice,” mentioned Tecu, who has spent the final 30 years as a human rights activist and advocate for neighborhood rebuilding.
On Friday, Manuel Benedicto Lucas Garcia, the previous head of Guatemala’s military, is slated to face trial for genocide. It’s the newest chapter within the nation’s fitful, stop-and-start efforts to realize justice for the systematic killing of Guatemala’s Indigenous peoples.
An estimated 200,000 individuals have been killed throughout the battle, which stretched from 1960 to 1996. Greater than 80 % have been Indigenous Maya.
A United Nations-backed fact fee discovered that the army dedicated acts of genocide in opposition to 5 of the nation’s 22 completely different Maya peoples between 1981 and 1983. That interval overlaps with Lucas Garcia’s tenure because the chief of the overall employees of the military.
For seven months between 1981 and 1982, Lucas Garcia helmed Guatemala’s forces, as a part of the administration of President Romeo Lucas Garcia, his brother. He now stands accused of genocide, crimes in opposition to humanity, pressured disappearances and sexual violence.
However Tecu factors out that point is working out for survivors to search out justice. Many years have handed for the reason that battle’s finish. Alleged perpetrators like Lucas Garcia, 91, are rising outdated — and in lots of instances, dying.
“The significance of this case is that there’s an mental creator alive,” Tecu informed Al Jazeera. “He must be held accountable for what occurred with the deaths of so many youngsters, men and women.”
Delay ways
Lucas Garcia, nevertheless, has denied wrongdoing. Relatively, in a dwell video feed on March 25, he informed Guatemala’s Excessive Danger Courtroom A, “I’m a nationwide hero”, although he later clarified he meant it in reference to accomplishments unrelated to the armed battle.
The March 25 listening to got here after a yr of postponements. Anticipating the trial to start out, genocide survivors had gathered outdoors the courthouse in Guatemala Metropolis to carry a ceremony in assist of the proceedings.
However certainly one of Lucas Garcia’s two attorneys had introduced her resignation simply days forward of the listening to, after which the opposite give up too — one thing critics consider was a tactic to additional delay the trial.
In the end, Lucas Garcia accepted to make use of a public defender and was permitted to proceed to attend hearings by video convention whereas recovering from surgical procedure. The trial’s begin date was rescheduled for April 5, to offer the brand new lawyer time to organize.
“We all know these are all manoeuvres and techniques that Benedicto Lucas Garcia is utilizing,” mentioned Diego Ceto, a Maya Ixil chief offering assist for witnesses and survivors throughout the trial.
Chatting with Al Jazeera on the courthouse steps proper after the postponement, Ceto defined that different defendants have likewise used stalling methods to evade justice.
In any case, certainly one of Lucas Garcia’s co-defendants — a former head of army operations — died in 2020. And in January, one other — a former head of army intelligence — was discovered mentally unfit to face trial and can face separate proceedings.
“They search for any justification to keep away from the beginning of the trial,” Ceto mentioned. “Nonetheless, as Ixils we are going to proceed to insist on the pursuit of the reality.”
From the Ixil area and past
The realm Ceto is from is on the coronary heart of the continued case. Prosecutors are specializing in crimes allegedly dedicated within the Maya Ixil area, 225km (140 miles) northwest of the capital.
Greater than 30 massacres have been carried out below Lucas Garcia’s command and a minimum of 23 Ixil villages have been utterly destroyed, the plaintiffs’ attorneys have mentioned. The prosecution plans to current greater than 80 consultants and 150 witnesses as a part of the trial.
Proof additionally consists of forensic experiences from exhumations and army paperwork attorneys say will assist set up the genocidal intent behind the crimes.
Atrocities within the Maya Ixil area additionally fashioned the centrepiece of one other historic trial: that of the late army ruler Efrain Rios Montt, who took energy from Romeo Lucas Garcia in a army coup.
In 2013, Guatemala made historical past when a court docket convicted Rios Montt of genocide. However the verdict was overturned quickly after in a widely-questioned ruling, illustrating the difficulties of prosecuting such a case.
Rios Montt died earlier than a partial retrial might finish in 2018. On September 27 of that yr, a tribunal dominated the army did commit genocide, however nobody was convicted.
Advocates, nevertheless, emphasise that the atrocities perpetuated by Rios Montt and others prolonged past the Mayan Ixil individuals, additionally focusing on different Indigenous peoples, unions, clergy, scholar actions and different teams.
For instance, in a separate case from 2018, Lucas Garcia was convicted of rape, pressured disappearance, and crimes in opposition to humanity for actions taken in opposition to an activist and her household. He was sentenced to 58 years in jail.
In June 2023, nevertheless, an appeals court docket ordered Lucas Garcia’s launch, together with that of his co-defendants. Nevertheless, he remained in custody as a result of a pretrial detention order within the genocide case.
In one other case that has but to go to trial, Lucas Garcia is certainly one of a number of former officers accused of crimes in reference to greater than 550 human stays exhumed from mass graves on a army base.
“Proper now we’re on the Ixil case, however the destruction was not simply within the Ixil space,” mentioned Eleodoro Osorio, a consultant of the Affiliation for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR), an organisation of survivors and relations from 5 of the hardest-hit Indigenous areas.
Energy of grassroots actions
Osorio’s group fashioned in 2000. That very same yr, it filed a proper authorized criticism in opposition to Romeo Lucas Garcia for genocide, adopted by one in opposition to Rios Montt the next yr. These authorized actions ultimately led to the prosecutions of Rios Montt and Benedicto Lucas Garcia, the military chief presently dealing with fees.
AJR has joint plaintiff standing in Lucas Garcia’s trial, permitting its personal authorized staff to intervene on behalf of victims alongside the prosecution.
The group’s participation improves the outlook for a profitable conviction, based on Naomi Roht-Arriaza, a regulation professor on the College of California Faculty of the Regulation in San Francisco.
She identified that grassroots actions will help exert stress on Guatemala’s authorized system, which has seen the erosion of judicial and prosecutorial independence lately.
“Within the trials that we’ve seen in Latin America, that has been the case. It’s been the attorneys for the victims which have principally carried the lion’s share of the particular work,” mentioned Roht-Arriaza, who was a authorized adviser in the same case introduced in opposition to Rios Montt in Spain.
She sees the pursuit of justice in Guatemala as a part of a broader regional phenomenon.
“I feel Latin America has been the chief in holding nationwide trials round large violations of human rights. So it’s not simply Guatemala. It’s additionally Argentina and Chile, Colombia, [and] to some extent Peru,” she informed Al Jazeera.
The majority of genocide prosecutions have been in worldwide courts, not home ones, based on Mark Berlin, a political science professor at Marquette College in Wisconsin whose analysis focuses on accountability for human rights violations and battle crimes.
He defined that “atrocity crimes” — together with genocide and crimes in opposition to humanity — are normally dedicated by state actors, and states are unlikely to prosecute themselves.
So when a rustic does prosecute genocide inside its personal borders, it’s usually the results of shifting energy dynamics within the authorities itself.
“It’s normally when a gaggle that was beforehand focused is ready to come to energy and use that energy to then goal for prosecution those that have been beforehand in energy,” Berlin informed Al Jazeera, pointing to the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide for instance of that dynamic.
The state of affairs in Guatemala was completely different, although, he mentioned. “Provided that these circumstances don’t exist in Guatemala, the chances have been stacked in opposition to the chance for Guatemala to have the ability to perform genocide prosecutions.”
Nonetheless, Berlin mentioned different components, together with overseas help and forensic work, helped allow the genocide prosecutions to maneuver ahead.
“Guatemala did have type of an ideal storm of other forms of things that did make it in a position to perform these prosecutions,” he mentioned.
“One was — or continues to be — the existence of a really lively and well-organised social motion, a really tenacious and protracted social motion that has been calling for accountability for many years.”
Half the battle
However now that Lucas Garcia is about to be delivered to trial, efforts to safe a conviction current new hurdles.
Prosecuting genocide is taken into account extra complicated than it’s for different human rights violations and crimes in opposition to humanity, as a result of authorized parts set out within the 1948 Genocide Conference and included into Guatemala’s prison code in 1973.
“You must show that the actor or the accused had the intent to destroy, in complete or partially, a gaggle of individuals,” mentioned Geoff Dancy, a political science professor on the College of Toronto.
“That could be very tough to show and has solely been efficiently demonstrated in a number of instances, actually.”
There have been about 105 trials involving genocide fees in 15 nations world wide, based on Dancy, who’s a principal investigator in a analysis mission compiling and analysing world knowledge on transitional justice mechanisms, together with human rights prosecutions.
However even when prosecutors usually are not profitable in convicting figures like Lucas Garcia of genocide, Dancy mentioned the trials can nonetheless be helpful instruments for justice.
He identified that regardless that leaders like Guatemala’s Rios Montt, Serbia’s Slobodan Milosevic and Chile’s Augusto Pinochet died whereas prosecution efforts have been nonetheless below method, the instances have been nonetheless extremely essential, serving to to unearth injustices and put them into the general public document.
In the end, Dancy mentioned, it’s “actually essential to get these items on the map and have the proof produced and thought of by a court docket”.